It was on June 26, 1975, people in India woke up to learn
about the midnight promulgation of state of ‘internal emergency’ and arrest of
most of opposition politicians including those from Indira Gandhi’s own
Congress party, who had been for sometime critical of her domestic policies and
her growing authoritarianism. In next 18-20 months, following that declaration
of emergency, there was a total subversion of the entire system of Indian
Constitution and suspension of habeas corpus. With incarceration of entire
opposition, the central legislature was bulldozed into passing of a spate of
constitutional amendments that undermined every institution of the state. Both
judiciary and press were subjected to an unprecedented intimidation through
inimical and coercive tactics and were forced to toe the official line.
However, the most unsettling aspect of that era was sprouting of an
extra-constitution power center headed by the notorious younger son of Indira
Gandhi, which during major part of the period wrought social havoc through
ill-conceived social engineering directed at curbing population growth and town
planning. And more than that the withering effect of that extra-constitutional
power wielded by Sanjay Gandhi was that it spawned such aberrant authorities in
almost every nook of the country through overzealous bureaucrats driven by the
lure of power.
The details of the excesses of that period have been subject
of many books, columns and gossips. But none matches the reports issued by the
Shah commission that went into causes and excesses of that period with damning
indictment of not only Indira Gandhi but rather entire machinery including
judiciary that barring a few glorious exceptions went into over drive to
further authoritarian power during that period. However, it is curious that
there are very few commentaries on the causes that lead to the declaration of
that ordinance on that fateful night of June 25, 1975 that virtually ended
democracy in India. The immediate impetus for declaration of that infamous emergency
was a judgment by Jagmohan Lal Sinha of Allahabad High Court that disqualified
Indira Gandhi from holding any political office, which virtually unseated her
as prime minister and less than unqualified relief from Supreme Court following
an appeal. The Allahabad High Court judgment on June 12, 1975 was based on a
case related to misuse of official machinery by Indira Gandhi and her officials
in her Rae Barelly constituency in the elections of 1971. It was maverick Raj
Narian, whom Indira Gandhi had soundly beaten in that election, but had brought
that case against her. In his judgment, the concerned justice had followed law
to the last letter. Pertinently, in a very recent judgment on Affordable Health
Care chose to overlook four words that were in not consonant with law and
decided in favor of the administration. In the judgment written by Chief
Justice it is stated “Congress passed
the Affordable Care Act to improve health insurance markets, not to destroy
them. If at all possible, we must interpret the Act in a way that is consistent
with the former, and avoids the latter.” The justices of the US supreme courts were
aware of the havoc their decision to the contrary would create. In that context
even Jagmohan Lal Sinha would have been aware of the consequences of unseating
an elected Prime Minister would create. Congress Party under Indira Gandhi had
won a huge mandate in the national election she had called in 1971 followed by
another sweep in 1972 elections for state legislatures. The next parliamentary
elections were already due in less than a year’s time.
Much before that judgment from the Allahabad High Court, the
country had been mired in a deep agitation led by an old Gandhian Jayaprakash
Narayan who was joined by almost the entire political opposition of the country
barring a faction of communists. And despite their numerical irrelevance in the
legislature the agitation by the combined opposition had a debilitating effect
on already unsteady government and Indira Gandhi felt herself under a continuous
siege. Particularly, a call by the agitating
parties to armed forces to disobey governmental authority a day before the declaration
of emergency did not prove very helpful. The country had become a very
different place compared to the time of Indira Gandhi’s 1971 election victory
and her successful leadership during the war that led to the creation of
Bangladesh. Even her stringent critics had hailed her at that time, with
Vajapayee going to the extent of calling her incarnation of goddess. Following
the elections for state legislatures in 1972, the Congress party under Indira
Gandhi controlled all states with the exception of Tamil Nadu and Jammu and Kashmir. It was from that point on the things went only down the hill.
Although, a number of causes and circumstances contributed to
the fast deteriorating situation, the main issues were political, economical
and personal. India might have attained a clear victory in 1971 war,
nevertheless, the costs were huge, which coupled with almost three years of
failed monsoon and the agitation by the opposition itself in particular
devastating railway strikes of 1974, all contributed to uncertain conditions.
International economic situation of the time also added to the growing woes, in
particular almost a tenfold increase in price of crude oil following the
embargo by Arab states in response to Arab-Israeli Yim Kippur war of 1973
created a deep hole into national finances. Another crucial extenuating cause
for the emerging situation was an inherent deep insecurity of Indira Gandhi and
her distrust of people around her. That was a major promoter for the
displacement of old seasoned bureaucrats like P. N. Haksar, by disturbingly
brash Sanjay Gandhi and his coterie of ruffians.
People like Haksar and his peers had served Indira Gandhi
well through her struggles against old guard of the Congress party. They devised
plans for a spectacular victory in 1971 parliamentary elections after
engineering a defeat in 1969 of Sanjeeva Reddy, the official Congress candidate
for Presidency favored by the old guard that included Morarjee Desai,
Nijanlingappa, Kamraj and others. Morarji Desai and Sanjeeva Reddy did
ultimately go on to become Prime Minister and President after 1977 rout of
Congress. But back in the days after Lal Bahadur Shastri's death in 1966 and again in 1966
after dismal performance in elections, the old guard in Congress party backed
Indira Gandhi over Morarjee Desai for premiership with an ulterior motive of
being able to manipulate a meek woman. It was already too late before they
realized their misjudgment and Indira Gandhi, as Margret Thatcher famously said
about herself, was not for turning. That started a perennial struggle for the
control, which to the disbelief of later generation had an ideological
component. Indira Gandhi went on to take progressive measure through
nationalization of banks and abolition of privy purses and titles of erstwhile
princes. The old guard in the party, failing to read the popular mood, opposed
both those and other progressive measures. The bank nationalization, in
particular, led to exit of Morarji Desai, a hard core capitalist, from the
cabinet and ultimate split in the party.
In a cynical view, those measures by Indira Gandhi could be
mere tactical maneuvers to win political battles. It remains, however, one of
the follies of all times to view history through the current prism. Those
definitely were progressive measures and nationalization of banks at that time
had a visible effect towards betterments in society. It might be hard to
understand but those were hard times with of rampant shortages and chronic paucity
of liquidity; the nationalization of banks opened doors for small and medium
loans for general population even in remote places that until then never had an
easy access to such facilities. Her battles were not over yet; the conservative
justices of Supreme Court stuck down laws nationalizing banks and privy purses,
forcing further constitutional amendments. That had been in part the reason for
a later decision of her government to elevate A. N. Ray as Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court in April 1973 following the retirement of Chief Justice S: M.
Sikri and in the process three prominent judges, Justices Hegde, Shehlat and
grover resigned after being superseded. Justice A. N. Ray was the only
dissenting judge on the bench that had struck down bank nationalization.
Unprecedented supersession of the Supreme Court judges provided further
ammunition to the critics of Indira Gandhi.
It is quite interesting that Indira Gandhi had the quality
of inherent insecurity in common with Richard Nixon, whereas they famously
detested each other. According to Katherine Frank, they both instinctively
recoiled from one another and that animosity played to full during that 1971
war and led to the famous US tilt towards Pakistan. Henry Kissinger described
the talks between Indira and Nixon as ‘classic dialogue of the deaf’ and
mentions in his memoirs that Nixon’s comments about Indira Gandhi afterwards
were not always printable. Pertinently, it was that inherent insecurity and
instinctive disinclination to trust anyone that led to ultimate downfall of
both. For Nixon that downfall came through Watergate scandal and for Indira
Gandhi, it was through her reliance on Sanjay Gandhi after declaration of
emergency. But the declaration of emergency, as per Katherine Frank, more than
that judgment was in reaction to threat from Jayprakash Narayan and Morarji
Desai to reduce government to chaos and stage a non-military coup.
-Rajiv Kumar
-Rajiv Kumar
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