Monday, December 28, 2009
Tuesday, November 24, 2009
Monday, November 23, 2009
Friday, October 30, 2009
Narender Modi down with swine flu
The rumour is Narendra Modi has swine flu. Could it be a divine retribution.
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
NO COMMENTS REQUIRED
RSS should bombard BJP hq and take over leadership: Shourie
TNN 25 August 2009, 07:46am IST
NEW DELHI: There is no stemming the blood-letting in BJP. On Monday, former minister Arun Shourie took the baton from expelled leader Jaswant Singh
as he launched a furious attack on the entire brass of the party and called for the RSS to “bombard the party headquarters” and replace the top leadership with 10-15 nominees of its choice. As a result, he now faces expulsion or at least suspension. In a TV interview and in an impromptu interaction with the media, Shourie savaged the leadership. He called the leadership “humpty-dumpty” and “Alice in blunderland”, while saying the party was adrift like a ‘kati patang’. He argued that BJP needed radical surgery, saying, “My prescription is jhatka (one swift execution) not halal (slow execution). Saare, saare (lock, stock and barrel). There should be a total transformation,” said Shourie. He said the party leaders were indulging in “mutual protection and projection.” He also said the party’s moral authority had depleted owing to involvement in cases like the cash-for-query scam. He asked the RSS to take charge while arguing that the Sangh had been “too democratic” and had given too much latitude to the party. He urged the RSS to remember that BJP was its most visible face, its “biggest instrument” and could not be left to its own devices in the current situation of drift. “It should keen an eye on the moral conduct of the party like an eagle,” he said. Concentrating his ire on all the central leaders ranging from L K Advani, Rajnath Singh, Narendra Modi, Arun Jaitley and Ananth Kumar, Shourie indicted all of them. The leadership responded to the assault by threatening disciplinary action. “He is seeking political martyrdom,” party spokesperson Rajeev Pratap Rudy said. A defiant Shourie dismissed both the threat and the spokesperson with disdain. “Do what you can,” he declared. He said that there was no space for dissent in the party which was being treated as a private property, and any criticism of the party was completely walled out and not discussed. The BJP is likely to call a meeting on Tuesday to discuss the latest eruption with indications that suspension or expulsion of the latest rebel may be on the table. But at a time when it is under fire for being intolerant and illiberal because of the expulsion of Jaswant, the party may be compelled to tread cautiously. Besides, they may also have to factor in Shourie’s praise for RSS which he said should be overseeing the party’s affairs, besides playing “BJP’s moral policeman”. Calling for a total recast of the party top hierarchy, Shourie said there was need to borrow from Mao’s tactics of “bombarding the headquarters. Clean up everybody from top. Bring 10-15 people from the states who are competent and honest and dedicated and reconstruct immediately.” He was quite secular in the choice of his targets, sparing virtually none. Though he named no names, he left few doubts as to who all were on the comprehensive hit list. For instance, while he denied that he wanted Advani to go, he forcefully argued that the Leader of Opposition went further than Jaswant in praising Jinnah. Then, he quoted Advani’s critic, Yashwant Sinha, to support Jaswant’s rubbishing of Advani’s claim that he was not aware of the decision to release terrorists in exchange for the release of passengers of IC-814. Shourie denied that his ‘humpty dumpty’ dig was meant for Rajnath. But his criticism of the decisions to axe B C Khanduri as CM and Vasundhara Raje as BJP group leader in Rajasthan when they had support seemed to be directly aimed at Singh.
TNN 25 August 2009, 07:46am IST
NEW DELHI: There is no stemming the blood-letting in BJP. On Monday, former minister Arun Shourie took the baton from expelled leader Jaswant Singh
as he launched a furious attack on the entire brass of the party and called for the RSS to “bombard the party headquarters” and replace the top leadership with 10-15 nominees of its choice. As a result, he now faces expulsion or at least suspension. In a TV interview and in an impromptu interaction with the media, Shourie savaged the leadership. He called the leadership “humpty-dumpty” and “Alice in blunderland”, while saying the party was adrift like a ‘kati patang’. He argued that BJP needed radical surgery, saying, “My prescription is jhatka (one swift execution) not halal (slow execution). Saare, saare (lock, stock and barrel). There should be a total transformation,” said Shourie. He said the party leaders were indulging in “mutual protection and projection.” He also said the party’s moral authority had depleted owing to involvement in cases like the cash-for-query scam. He asked the RSS to take charge while arguing that the Sangh had been “too democratic” and had given too much latitude to the party. He urged the RSS to remember that BJP was its most visible face, its “biggest instrument” and could not be left to its own devices in the current situation of drift. “It should keen an eye on the moral conduct of the party like an eagle,” he said. Concentrating his ire on all the central leaders ranging from L K Advani, Rajnath Singh, Narendra Modi, Arun Jaitley and Ananth Kumar, Shourie indicted all of them. The leadership responded to the assault by threatening disciplinary action. “He is seeking political martyrdom,” party spokesperson Rajeev Pratap Rudy said. A defiant Shourie dismissed both the threat and the spokesperson with disdain. “Do what you can,” he declared. He said that there was no space for dissent in the party which was being treated as a private property, and any criticism of the party was completely walled out and not discussed. The BJP is likely to call a meeting on Tuesday to discuss the latest eruption with indications that suspension or expulsion of the latest rebel may be on the table. But at a time when it is under fire for being intolerant and illiberal because of the expulsion of Jaswant, the party may be compelled to tread cautiously. Besides, they may also have to factor in Shourie’s praise for RSS which he said should be overseeing the party’s affairs, besides playing “BJP’s moral policeman”. Calling for a total recast of the party top hierarchy, Shourie said there was need to borrow from Mao’s tactics of “bombarding the headquarters. Clean up everybody from top. Bring 10-15 people from the states who are competent and honest and dedicated and reconstruct immediately.” He was quite secular in the choice of his targets, sparing virtually none. Though he named no names, he left few doubts as to who all were on the comprehensive hit list. For instance, while he denied that he wanted Advani to go, he forcefully argued that the Leader of Opposition went further than Jaswant in praising Jinnah. Then, he quoted Advani’s critic, Yashwant Sinha, to support Jaswant’s rubbishing of Advani’s claim that he was not aware of the decision to release terrorists in exchange for the release of passengers of IC-814. Shourie denied that his ‘humpty dumpty’ dig was meant for Rajnath. But his criticism of the decisions to axe B C Khanduri as CM and Vasundhara Raje as BJP group leader in Rajasthan when they had support seemed to be directly aimed at Singh.
Saturday, August 22, 2009
True picture of incompetent BJ (Jinnah) Party
Jaswant Singh's book, reaction in the party and literal washing of dirty linnen in public is pathetic but amusing spectacle. It must not be without reason that party of lunatics lost elections and hopefully will have completely disappeared by the time of next elections along with their apologists.
Saturday, May 16, 2009
BJP leader LK Advani quits as leader of Opposition
Hindustan Times
New Delhi, May 16, 2009
First Published: 18:34 IST(16/5/2009)
Last Updated: 18:42 IST(16/5/2009)
Hours later the people's verdict did not turn in the favour of Bhartiya Janata Party on Saturday, its veteran leader LK Advani has decided to quit as the leader of Opposition and possibly retire from active politics.
Talking to the reporters, BJP general secretary Arun Jaitely said that BJP board has not yet accepted Advani's offer to resign.
Till afternoon, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance was a distant second, with leads in just about 100 seats.
New Delhi, May 16, 2009
First Published: 18:34 IST(16/5/2009)
Last Updated: 18:42 IST(16/5/2009)
Hours later the people's verdict did not turn in the favour of Bhartiya Janata Party on Saturday, its veteran leader LK Advani has decided to quit as the leader of Opposition and possibly retire from active politics.
Talking to the reporters, BJP general secretary Arun Jaitely said that BJP board has not yet accepted Advani's offer to resign.
Till afternoon, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance was a distant second, with leads in just about 100 seats.
Great moment
One of the greatest moment in history of India. Fascists forces have been defeated! A celebration time!
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
On Babri, it was BJP which made CBI crawl
Ritu Sarin Posted: Tuesday , May 05, 2009 at 0819 hrs IST
New Delhi: For all the moral high ground taken by the Bharatiya Janata Party that the CBI is the “Congress Bureau of Investigation” — especially after it brazenly took Bofors-accused Ottavio Quattrocchi off the wanted list — the fact is that the BJP-led NDA regime, in perhaps the most high-profile political case in its tenure, also over-ruled the agency reducing it to a rubber stamp. And, in the process, set the CBI up for another round of arm twisting by the UPA.
The matter: the decision of the CBI not to challenge the 2003 discharge of then Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani in the case related to his alleged inflammatory speeches during the Babri Masjid demolition.
Confidential files obtained by The Indian Express reveal how handling of the Advani discharge was as partisan as the CBI’s conduct in other politically sensitive probes reported by this newspaper in its ongoing investigative series. Top CBI officers, including at least two DIGs, one Joint Director and the Special Counsel proposed filing a revision petition after Advani was discharged by a Rae Bareli court. But it was once again the agency’s Director of Prosecution, S K Sharma, on whose opinion, the agency referred the matter to the Government’s top Law Officers.
New Delhi: For all the moral high ground taken by the Bharatiya Janata Party that the CBI is the “Congress Bureau of Investigation” — especially after it brazenly took Bofors-accused Ottavio Quattrocchi off the wanted list — the fact is that the BJP-led NDA regime, in perhaps the most high-profile political case in its tenure, also over-ruled the agency reducing it to a rubber stamp. And, in the process, set the CBI up for another round of arm twisting by the UPA.
The matter: the decision of the CBI not to challenge the 2003 discharge of then Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani in the case related to his alleged inflammatory speeches during the Babri Masjid demolition.
Confidential files obtained by The Indian Express reveal how handling of the Advani discharge was as partisan as the CBI’s conduct in other politically sensitive probes reported by this newspaper in its ongoing investigative series. Top CBI officers, including at least two DIGs, one Joint Director and the Special Counsel proposed filing a revision petition after Advani was discharged by a Rae Bareli court. But it was once again the agency’s Director of Prosecution, S K Sharma, on whose opinion, the agency referred the matter to the Government’s top Law Officers.
And, in a bizarre turn, these officers, Attorney General Soli Sorabjee and Solicitor General Kirit Raval referred the matter to an outsider, Chennai-based lawyer N Natarajan. Clearly, the issue of expressing an opinion in a case involving the Deputy Prime Minister was too hot to handle.
The CBI’s Advani headache got worse when the Congress came to power in 2004. Perhaps, for the first time in the agency’s history, the CBI received several strongly worded missives from the Congress-led UPA, asking for written explanations on how and on whose advice Advani’s discharge remained unchallenged.
When the CBI defended its stand, via a letter dated August 12, 2005, CBI Director U S Misra was asked by the Department of Personnel to “send the opinions of Attorney General and N Natarajan with your comments.”
The saving grace for CBI was the fact that even as this correspondence was being exchanged, on July 6, 2005, the Allahabad High Court set aside the Rae Bareli Magistrate’s discharge and directed the trial against Advani and seven others to commence.
The CBI was also made a respondent in this case where two private persons, Haji Mehboob and Hafiz Siddiq, had challenged Advani’s discharge. And during early arguments — announcing its volte face in a changed political scenario — CBI’s counsel, this time with UPA at the Centre, argued just the opposite: that the discharge be quashed!
A scrutiny of the sequence of events in the NDA regime, as per official records, reveals the carefully calibrated manner in which the CBI was forced to abandon the appeal against Advani’s discharge:
n The tone was set by S K Sharma, a Joint Secretary in the Law Ministry who for several years has been holding the post of Director of Prosecution in the CBI. In a 15-page opinion dated December 4, 2003, he concluded: “I feel the impugned order is evenly balanced and, to a considerable extent, the prosecution is on a weak wicket. However, considering the important question of law and fact involved, we should seek the opinion of any of the law officers of the Government of India on the point of feasibility of filing against the impugned order.”
n In a one-page note, U S Misra (then Special Director) reveals how the agency’s officers pushed for challenging the discharge. “I have gone through the comments of DIG (M Narayanan), DLA (Deputy Legal Advisor), Special Counsel (S S Gandhi), DIG (Lok Nath Behra), Joint Director (Vivek Dubey) and the DoP,” he wrote. “(These) Officers...except the DoP have recommended filing of a revision petition in the High Court.”
n Barely two days before he demitted office — December 4, 2003 — then CBI Director P C Sharma endorsed the DoP’s stand. And signed off: “I doubt whether we have a prosecutable case. Taking resort to such a course, I am afraid will only prolong the proceedings...I agree with DoP that the matter should be referred to the Attorney General...”
n But Attorney General Sorabjee, on December 11, 2003, skirted the issue. “It would be advisable and prudent, in order to obviate needless controversy, that the CBI consult N Natarajan, who is an eminent senior counsel..and seek his opinion in the...matter and act in accordance with it,” he wrote.
n Natarajan’s opinion came in six days later with the conclusion: “I am of the view that his (L K Advani’s) discharge is justified in the circumstances of the case and it is not appropriate to file a Revision Petition against his discharge.”
n With the Attorney General out of the country, it was Solicitor General Kirit Raval who gave the green light to the CBI. In his carefully worded opinion, on December 26, 2003, he endorses Natarajan’s view and tries to distance himself from it: “I am in agreement with the opinion of N Natarajan and therefore the CBI should act in accordance with Natarajan’s opinion, as stated in the latter of learned AG...”
Given all this, few in the CBI were surprised when Misra, who had by then taken over as Director, ruled in a six-page note: “No revision is to be filed against the order of discharge of Shri Advani...”
Reprisal followed when the UPA came in and struck back. In a letter dated August 12, 2005, the Department of Personnel asked the CBI to explain: “internal deliberations;” “the sequence of events” leading to seeking the AG’s opinion; “at what level it was decided” not to file an appeal; “internal mechanisms” of filing appeals; why the case was called “complex and sensitive” and to submit all opinions “with comments” to the Government.
Meanwhile, in the Rae Bareli court, developments were on track as far as the UPA Government was concerned. With the revision being allowed, charges against Advani and seven others were framed on July 28, 2005 and prosecutors handling the case say hearings are being held every month or so although frequently interrupted by adjournments.
The CBI’s lawyers say that to date four witnesses have been examined and of their list of 40 witnesses, they propose to call around 20 to depose. The next hearing is scheduled for May 16 — when the results come in and another set of wheels starts moving in the Law Ministry and the CBI.
The CBI’s Advani headache got worse when the Congress came to power in 2004. Perhaps, for the first time in the agency’s history, the CBI received several strongly worded missives from the Congress-led UPA, asking for written explanations on how and on whose advice Advani’s discharge remained unchallenged.
When the CBI defended its stand, via a letter dated August 12, 2005, CBI Director U S Misra was asked by the Department of Personnel to “send the opinions of Attorney General and N Natarajan with your comments.”
The saving grace for CBI was the fact that even as this correspondence was being exchanged, on July 6, 2005, the Allahabad High Court set aside the Rae Bareli Magistrate’s discharge and directed the trial against Advani and seven others to commence.
The CBI was also made a respondent in this case where two private persons, Haji Mehboob and Hafiz Siddiq, had challenged Advani’s discharge. And during early arguments — announcing its volte face in a changed political scenario — CBI’s counsel, this time with UPA at the Centre, argued just the opposite: that the discharge be quashed!
A scrutiny of the sequence of events in the NDA regime, as per official records, reveals the carefully calibrated manner in which the CBI was forced to abandon the appeal against Advani’s discharge:
n The tone was set by S K Sharma, a Joint Secretary in the Law Ministry who for several years has been holding the post of Director of Prosecution in the CBI. In a 15-page opinion dated December 4, 2003, he concluded: “I feel the impugned order is evenly balanced and, to a considerable extent, the prosecution is on a weak wicket. However, considering the important question of law and fact involved, we should seek the opinion of any of the law officers of the Government of India on the point of feasibility of filing against the impugned order.”
n In a one-page note, U S Misra (then Special Director) reveals how the agency’s officers pushed for challenging the discharge. “I have gone through the comments of DIG (M Narayanan), DLA (Deputy Legal Advisor), Special Counsel (S S Gandhi), DIG (Lok Nath Behra), Joint Director (Vivek Dubey) and the DoP,” he wrote. “(These) Officers...except the DoP have recommended filing of a revision petition in the High Court.”
n Barely two days before he demitted office — December 4, 2003 — then CBI Director P C Sharma endorsed the DoP’s stand. And signed off: “I doubt whether we have a prosecutable case. Taking resort to such a course, I am afraid will only prolong the proceedings...I agree with DoP that the matter should be referred to the Attorney General...”
n But Attorney General Sorabjee, on December 11, 2003, skirted the issue. “It would be advisable and prudent, in order to obviate needless controversy, that the CBI consult N Natarajan, who is an eminent senior counsel..and seek his opinion in the...matter and act in accordance with it,” he wrote.
n Natarajan’s opinion came in six days later with the conclusion: “I am of the view that his (L K Advani’s) discharge is justified in the circumstances of the case and it is not appropriate to file a Revision Petition against his discharge.”
n With the Attorney General out of the country, it was Solicitor General Kirit Raval who gave the green light to the CBI. In his carefully worded opinion, on December 26, 2003, he endorses Natarajan’s view and tries to distance himself from it: “I am in agreement with the opinion of N Natarajan and therefore the CBI should act in accordance with Natarajan’s opinion, as stated in the latter of learned AG...”
Given all this, few in the CBI were surprised when Misra, who had by then taken over as Director, ruled in a six-page note: “No revision is to be filed against the order of discharge of Shri Advani...”
Reprisal followed when the UPA came in and struck back. In a letter dated August 12, 2005, the Department of Personnel asked the CBI to explain: “internal deliberations;” “the sequence of events” leading to seeking the AG’s opinion; “at what level it was decided” not to file an appeal; “internal mechanisms” of filing appeals; why the case was called “complex and sensitive” and to submit all opinions “with comments” to the Government.
Meanwhile, in the Rae Bareli court, developments were on track as far as the UPA Government was concerned. With the revision being allowed, charges against Advani and seven others were framed on July 28, 2005 and prosecutors handling the case say hearings are being held every month or so although frequently interrupted by adjournments.
The CBI’s lawyers say that to date four witnesses have been examined and of their list of 40 witnesses, they propose to call around 20 to depose. The next hearing is scheduled for May 16 — when the results come in and another set of wheels starts moving in the Law Ministry and the CBI.
Friday, May 1, 2009
The reasons why Advani should not be Prime Minister
In India as electoral process is under way and the rightist groups led by BJP have been trying their best to capture power once again. Given the volatility of Indian electorate the right wingers might succeed in that and install their designate Prime Ministerial candidate into the chair. In a democracy, it should not pose any problem and it would constitute no big deal. However, a careful consideration of the record of previous NDA regime in which Advani was interior minister raises serious questions about his suitability to occupy the position of a Prime Minister. Advani through his own admission in his memoirs has confessed that he was not privy to the decision of handing over terrorists lodged in Indian jails to meet demands of hijackers of an Indian plane. That should speak volumes about his efficiency and also of the then government. It would be irresponsible to over look the consequences of that infamous decision of the NDA government because BJP brands itself as a party that is committed to fight terrorism. Two of the terrorists released in 1999 and escorted shamefully to Kandhar by the then external affairs minister Jaswant Singh were Azhar Masood and Omar Saeed Sheikh. Subsequent to their release, the name of Azhar Masood appeared in so many terrorist operations and many of which were directed again India. And Saeed Omar Sheikh infamously organized the kidnapping and subsequently brutal murder of The Wall Street Journal journalist Daniel Pearl. The civilized governments all over the world adhere to the principle of no-negotiation with terrorists under any threat, notwithstanding the seriousness of consequences. But one has just to recall how pitifully NDA government of the day crumbled under pressure and meekly surrendered. For all subsequent acts of terrorism by the released individuals, the part of blame, if not entirely, should belong to officials of that regime, which includes Advani. Advani was Deputy Prime Minister in that government and therefore should be answerable to some awkward questions that arose from the handling of that hijacking episode. How was the plane let to be flown from Amritsar? And who else was could be held responsible for that lapse other than the minister for internal security of the day, which was none other than Lal Krishan Advani. When and why was the decision to enter into negotiations with hijackers and surrender made? Why was the international standard of not any negotiations with terrorists shunned? And what was Advani as a member of the then cabinet doing if he was not aware of the decisions made as he has claimed in his book. It not only reeks of inefficiency but his earlier statements immediately after nuclear blasts by India also smack of immaturity. The age is no guarantee of wisdom and maturity and it is clear Advani is not up to the prime ministerial task that too in a period of complex international situations that require perseverance and maturity and not the outrageous view like scrapping of article 370.
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